Many of the EU agreements apply to less developed countries, which tend to impose fairly high tariffs on certain products. In such cases, UK exporters could lose the advantage of a reduction in preferential tariffs, making them considerably less competitive, especially vis-à-vis SUPPLIERS ESTABLISHED IN THE EU. The EU is concerned that, in some areas, the UK may adopt a policy of deregulation or decide to subside British companies in order to outsource eu competitors. It therefore aims at the United Kingdom to engage in the so-called “Level Playing Field”, in order to prevent the United Kingdom from participating in such tactics. For its part, the UK insists that it does not want to engage in a “race to the downside” in regulation, but also insists that it can regulate freely after the end of the transition period, as it sees fit, and that it should not be required to make changes to follow EU rules. Over the past four years, much time has been spent discussing the Withdrawal Agreement, but little for what was to follow. The Political Declaration accompanying the Withdrawal Agreement in October 2019 established an agreed but non-binding framework for the future relationship between the UK and the EU and in February 2020 the UK Government published its approach to the negotiations.  It was only with the 19th The UK`s draft text on the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) began to dwell on 1 May 2020.  For obvious reasons, the EU may be reluctant to give the UK a better services deal than South Korea. There is a potential “withdrawal” clause, which states that the highest obligation does not apply if the free trade agreement that followed “provides for a significantly higher level of commitment.” However, this could raise questions for the UK as far as sovereignty is concerned, as it may require a closer relationship with the EU than it would be politically, given the withdrawal vote. The UK Trade Policy Observatory paper presents a more detailed discussion of the most general remuneration clauses in EU trade agreements. The first part (common provisions) of the draft Treaty states that all areas of the partnership should be within a single governance structure. It refers to some key elements of relations, including the rule of law and human rights, the fight against climate change and the fight against weapons of mass destruction.
The EU has a number of MUTUAL Recognition Agreements (MRAs) that set out the framework conditions for future mutual recognition agreements in certain sectors, but all have proved difficult to complete.  For example, NRAs for conformity assessment with the United States (1996) or Canada (2017) were only framework agreements that applied only to a selection of sectors. Like all of these EU MRIs, they have resulted in real agreements that only recognise local certifications in a limited number of sectors. In the case of Australia, only three control bodies are listed as officially notified to and approved by the EU.  The draft text presented by the UK for the UK-EU Free Trade Agreement departs from the political declaration by rejecting some things that seemed to be implicit in it. . . .